The Muslims Struggle in Ethiopia: Reflections on the Kality Marriage

Monday, December 23, 2013 ·

Awol Allo


In her seminal work “The Human Condition,” Hannah Arendt identifies political action as a power that comes into being the moment “people gather together” and “act in concert.” For Arendt, “acting in concert” and “speaking with others” constitutes the very conditions of politics itself. Politics proper disappears the moment peoples’ ability to gather together and act in concert is suspended. Following Arendt’s injunction, we can say that whenever and wherever the freedom of assembly and freedom of expression are legally suspended, politics itself is suspended. It is not just democracy that is deferred under these conditions, but politics itself. This is the situation in Ethiopia today – it is not just democracy that is banned but also politics proper.
Muslims protesting during Friday Prayers
Muslims protesting during Friday Prayers
For the last two years, Ethiopian Muslims have been articulating narratives of resistance and struggle out of their ordeals to overcome this kind of closure. Despite the government’s mobilization of state resources to suppress, contain, or co-opt the visibility and audibility of this peace forms of political critique and struggle, Muslims activists turned to innovative and artful strategies of resistance to counter the exclusionary and silencing logic of the system. In so doing, they created immanent possibilities for change and transformation.
Very schematically, one can identify two broad forms/categories of critique and/as resistance used by this movement to generate and present a space for dissent and negation. First, it mobilized a strategy that sought to confront the system on its own terms, i.e., on the very terms laid down by the system and tried to expose the dissonance between what is promised and upheld by the system. This is what James Scott refers to as an elaborate art of resistance. Second, there were the symbolic types of resistance – acts and gestures aimed at contesting the narrative of the state through disguised, anonymous, and cryptic strategies destabilizing to the narrative of the regime. The marriage at Khality prison belongs to this later category – a cryptic form of resistance
Marriage as Critique and resistance:  A Reflection
On 5 May 2013, two of the inmates detained at the notorious Kality Prison under terrorism charges, Khalid Ibrahim and Mubarak Adam, entered a marital union with Muna Siraj and Halima Ahmed respectively. Reconfiguring one of the least political of social institutions the state cannot monopolize and coding it with a political meaning that unsettles and destabilizes the narrative of the state, this protest movement refashioned marriage as a weapon of resistance. By politicizing marriage, the inmates and their brides enact a puzzle that unravels the certainty the trial seeks to install and consolidate. Repurposing, to use the Brechtian term, marriage as a public good that can serve as the mode and medium of resistance, they use the event to destabilize the categories and images that furnish the system’s remarkable resilience. But what is the real political significance of this rather fugitive public enactment?
Muna Siraj and Halima Ahmed during the Weeding
Muna Siraj and Halima Ahmed during the Weeding
D’Amato once wrote that ‘every tool is a weapon if you hold it right.’  Where the constitution and the law are the very instruments used by power to dehumanize and humiliate those who resist tyranny, Muna and Halima turn marriage into a weapon to create a social space where they can voice, even if offstage, their objection and moral outrage to the government’s betrayal and abuse of its own laws.
If the notion of ‘speaking truth to power’ is still a utopian politics, it is the only politics generative of what it names under authoritarian systems. It is a politics that brings into being the very struggle and form of politics that it ostensibly speaks about. In deploying their weeding to enact a generative politics, Muna and Halima are not merely refusing to accept the established modes of categorization and control used to marginalize and dominate, keeping those accused of terrorism invisible and inaudible, but also disrupting the logic that organizes and structures the category’s economy of representations. To effectively resist the kinds of logic and the modes of reasoning that animate these categories and definitions, they not only confront the state on its own terms (in courts) but also mock it (marrying the ‘terrorist’) as a profanation of the image concocted by the government. This marriage marks a moment of transgressive refusal that mocks the state as to destabilize its subjectifying categories. It is a public negation of the categorization and definition of these individuals as terrorists.
Unlike everyday marriage, this marriage is a symbolic defiance of authority. It is not merely a repudiation of the hegemonic representation of the detainees but also a public affirmation of what cannot be expressed in public. By consenting to a matrimonial union with those accused of one of the most infectious and stereotypical crimes of our time, the two brides are enacting the ultimate that performs a parodic subversion of the state’s narrative. By publicly staging their marriage with ‘accused terrorists’ they are not merely repudiating the state’s claim, but most significantly, they are registering their support for the causes and sentiments voiced by the inmates.
The marriage from behind the prison walls is an off-stage response to the narrative of the state, and a subversive rejoinder to the government’s narrative against the Committee and the Muslim community writ large. To negate the narrative of the state, to undermine its goal of humiliating and attaining total control over the Muslim community, the marriage smashes the images depicted by the state. By getting married from the prison cells, they are telling the regime that while it can arrest their body, it cannot squash the yearning for freedom and dignity. It does not merely repudiate that image; it goes beyond repudiation to articulate a dissident culture of negation that animate and organize marriage as a political action, contributing to the production of a critical mass.
In vowing to remain true to the inmates who are facing a prolonged sentence, the brides are enacting a symbolic reversal that reinvents a public space for dissent. By engaging in an activity that is open to them, those excluded from participation in the production of narrative seek to expose their disdain for the defining lies of the state from the margin. In an interview with the Deutsche Welle, Mrs. Siraj said, “I am very pleased. I decided to do this because they [the bridegrooms] were detained because they stood for something we all believe in.” “More than anything else”, Mrs. Halima added, “This is a day when we proclaimed their peaceful character.” By engaging in a sacrificial marriage of this type, they are proclaiming that the detainees stand for something bigger than themselves, and reaffirm their faith and commitment in the values and principles embodied by the inmates.
In this rather playful performance of innocence, marriage enacts a corporeal struggle against indignation, and becomes a tool of political struggle capable of obliterating gate-keeping narratives and justificatory registers of the system. It not only contributed to the generation of new political spaces, most significantly, it instituted liberationist repertoires of resistance, ‘acts of hope’ that re-imagine the political universe anew.
To sum up, then, no matter how omnipotent or omnipresent the system may be, resistance is always a possibility. In fact, power needs resistance in order for it to project and legitimize itself. Despite the suspension of all avenues of dissent by the Ethiopian state, this movement has achieved in less than two years what mainstream political parties were not able to achieve in more than two decades. It did not merely create a condition of possibility for dissent, it did more: it created a strategic knowledge of negation. Whatever transformative/emancipatory potential one ascribes to these artful practices of negation, the passage from traditional protest forms to these self-conscious and playful modes of resistance, marks one of its key achievements.

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ከታህሳስ 1966 ዓ/ም በፊት ስለነበረው ስር ነቀል የተማሪዎች ንቅናቄ እና ንቅናቄው ስላራመደው አስተሳሰብ የሚፃፍበት፣የተፃፉ መጣጥፎች የሚጋሩበትእንዲሁም በአጠቃላይ በርዕሰ ጉዳዩ ዙሪያ የሚቆዘምበት ጦማር ነው።